Sheinbaum; synonym of Lenin, Stalin, Fidel Castro, and Leon Trotsky
Things you probably did not know about Claudia Sheinbaum, part one.
The new president of Mexico has assumed power directly from López Obrador, closely following his political agenda. However, her globalist and communist affiliations stand in stark contrast to some of AMLO’s rhetoric of opposing U.S. influence. I urge you to examine carefully and critically everything you are about to learn.
Claudia Sheinbaum, whose ancestry traces back to Bulgarian and Lithuanian Jews, is the daughter of a prominent chemist and has familial ties to the Communist party directly.
In a world where uncomfortable truths are often overlooked, little is discussed or confirmed about such connections. In this brief article, we will explore topics rarely addressed or questioned by mainstream media.
The Bolshevik birth
Claudia Sheinbaum is the granddaughter of four Jewish immigrants who reportedly came to Mexico from Lithuania and Bulgaria. She is the daughter of chemist Carlos Sheinbaum and biologist Annie Pardo.
Politics and science have shaped her life from an early age. While her parents are said to have participated in the 1968 student movement, her father was an active member of the Communist Party. Her family’s arrival in Mexico and connections to Cuba and authentic communist ideologies raise significant concerns. Today, she is part of Mexico's elite, championing causes such as Climate Change and Globalism, aligning with the broader interests of the system that supports her.
It is troubling that the Mexican people have succumbed to the lure of populism, consistently elevating AMLO despite his ongoing interventions and promotion of a corrupt, populist agenda. His tactics have even led to formal reprimands.
However, the real conversation lies in the aspects that are deliberately overlooked—issues the President-Elect and her inner circle prefer to avoid discussing.
Finally, I invite you to read the first installment of a series of word revolutions I will write about Mexico’s new president—a figure whose background is so troubling that, after extensive research, I find it impossible not to associate her with names like Lenin, Stalin, and Fidel Castro.
It is known that her paternal grandfather, Jonas Sheinbaum Abramovic, was born in Lithuania around 1906 to a poor Ashkenazi Jewish family. His life was profoundly shaped by the Bolshevik movement, having experienced the second phase of the Russian Revolution in 1917, culminating in the infamous October Revolution.
The October Revolution—also referred to as the Bolshevik Revolution, Red October, or the Great October Socialist Revolution—ushered in an era of Marxist and scientific socialism. Notably, the movement was led by Vladimir Lenin, whose rise to power marked the establishment of a dictatorship rooted in Marxist ideology.
This series aims to explore connections and histories often ignored, drawing a broader picture of ideological legacies and their modern-day reflections.
The Cuban mission
According to official records, the paternal grandfather of Mexico's current President-elect was implicated in several communist activities. One notable incident involved the violent occupation of a modest farm, during which the owner, was killed. This event led to his imprisonment at the age of 14, as detailed in a referenced book.
Further insights can be found in *Latin America in the Communist International*, a biographical dictionary authored by Lazar Jeifets and Victor Jeifets. This work provides thoroughly verified information on key figures who played significant roles in the spread of Soviet communism throughout Latin America.
The book documents that Jonas Sheinbaum was later imprisoned again due to his affiliation with the Communist Party, adding another layer to the complex ideological legacy behind Mexico’s President-elect. These historical ties highlight connections that are rarely discussed but are crucial to understanding the broader political context.
Jonas Sheinbaum managed to secure his release from prison at a young age by paying substantial bribes to those in power. These payments, however, were reportedly financed by the Communist International, an organization that later recruited both Jonas and his brother, Salomon Sheinbaum, for various missions aligned with communist ideology—missions that could even involve lethal acts.
The Sheinbaum brothers’ first significant assignment took them to Cuba. In 1925, with the assistance of Julio Antonio Mella and Carlos Baliño, they helped establish the island’s first Communist Party. Operating under the directives of their ideological leaders, the brothers integrated deeply into local political movements, strategically invoking the legacy of José Martí to lay the groundwork for what would eventually become one of the world’s most oppressive regimes under Fidel Castro, backed at times by the American government.
These connections reveal a historical narrative often glossed over—one where ideological ambitions and geopolitical maneuvering intersect in ways that have shaped entire nations.
In simple terms, Sheinbaum's grandfather, Jonas Sheinbaum, essentially worked as an operative under Lenin's influence, contributing to the foundation of the Communist Party in Cuba—an organization later leveraged by Fidel Castro to rise to tyrannical power.
The Sheinbaum brothers began their clandestine journey by adopting new identities through translated names and forged documents. Jonas became Juan Sheinbaum, while Salomon took the name Santiago.
The arrival in Aztec territory
Their mission eventually led them to Mexico, where they disembarked at the port of Veracruz. According to official reports from the Veracruz authorities, Santiago was arrested during a customs inspection after being found in possession of a pair of grenades, further illustrating their deep involvement in revolutionary activities.
Santiago Sheinbaum was released after claiming the grenades he carried were harmless and merely part of a scientific study—a curious defense for someone with little formal education, posing as a simple peasant. This marked how Claudia Sheinbaum's grandfather entered Mexico illegally, using false documents, carrying weapons, and benefiting from the puzzling leniency of Mexican authorities—a pattern of institutional complacency still evident today.
Amid the global economic crisis of 1929, Mexican President Pascual Ortiz Rubio distanced himself from Soviet influence and launched a crackdown on Russian operatives in Mexico. During this period, the Sheinbaum brothers were discovered by law enforcement while conspiring in one of their covert activities.
After a grueling interrogation, Santiago eventually broke down under pressure, confessing his role as a secret agent of the Communist International. This admission unveiled the broader network of Soviet-aligned espionage and revolutionary plots that had quietly taken root within Mexico’s borders.
When the police interrogated Juan (Jonas) Sheinbaum and asked if he knew Santiago (Salomon), Juan, with his prominent mustache and a calm demeanor, faced his brother, who was affecting a fake Caribbean accent. In that moment, Juan realized how different they appeared, with the mustache serving as a striking feature that further distanced their resemblance.
Watching his brother consumed by fear, Juan responded with cold detachment, denying any connection to him. His denial broke Santiago, who wept as he was slowly led away—marking the final moment the Sheinbaum brothers ever saw each other.
This event became the true beginning of Juan Sheinbaum's life in Mexico, setting the stage for a legacy intertwined with political intrigue, deception, and survival.
Juan Sheinbaum, a cunning opportunist and habitual liar, began crafting his legacy in Mexico after betraying his brother, Santiago (Salomon). While Juan settled into a new life, Santiago—considered the more honest and moral of the two—was beaten severely and deported to the Soviet Union, where he was imprisoned in a Siberian concentration camp. There, he endured relentless abuse and enslavement until his final days, a grim fate emblematic of Soviet retribution.
The Jewelry fraud
According to Juan himself, witnessing his brother’s tragic end influenced his decision to abandon violent communist activities. He relocated to a Jewish neighborhood in Guadalajara, a city of personal significance to me, though unrelated to this narrative. It was here that Juan shifted into the jewelry trade, a venture allegedly built on dubious beginnings.
A key part of his initial collection came from an elderly Russian couple in Mexico City's affluent Polanco neighborhood. Rumors persist that this couple may have been targets of the Communist regime’s lethal orders. However, when Juan arrived to carry out his mission, he found no one home—an absence that spared their lives but allowed him to pilfer their valuables instead. Thus began his rise as a merchant, a path paved with secrets and shadows.
Another version of the story, considered the most likely, suggests that when Juan Sheinbaum arrived at the Russian couple’s house, he only found the wife. In exchange for their lives, she allegedly traded her valuable collection of jewelry. The exact details remain unclear, but what is known is that Juan acquired 2.7 kg of gold jewelry, including necklaces, bracelets, and rings, which would later become part of his new narrative.
This can be corroborated by the love letters Juan wrote to Emma Yoselevitz Bruok, who, in 1933, gave birth to Carlos Sheinbaum Yoselevitz in Guadalajara, the father of Mexico's current President-elect.
Claudia Sheinbaum has publicly stated, and this is widely documented, that her father was supposedly born on the roof of a house in the old “Merced” colony. However, this tale seems more like something from a fictional story. Official records consistently show that her father was born in Guadalajara, casting doubt on the authenticity of the narrative she has shared.
Neither of Claudia Sheinbaum’s parents were entirely Mexican, nor was her father born in the dramatic, poverty-stricken scenario she described. Instead, he was born in a three-story house in Guadalajara.
The true motivations behind Claudia's claims remain unclear—whether she chose to fabricate a narrative to distance herself from her communist roots or to create a compelling story of hardship that often resonates with political candidates is uncertain. However, the facts, as recorded, tell a different story and often speak louder than any falsehoods.
Although Juan Sheinbaum denied direct involvement with his former international Communist affiliations, he was nonetheless supported by the Communist Party of Mexico, with wealthy sponsors who helped him expand his jewelry business to nearly 10 branches.
Juan was known for hosting social gatherings where guests enjoyed drinks and festivities while nostalgically celebrating the Red October Revolution and reminiscing about their Soviet origins. This blending of leisure and political allegiance paints a complex picture of his role in Mexico's political and business landscape.
It is said that, during the height of Communist influence in Mexico, the regime ordered its leaders there to support Lázaro Cárdenas unconditionally. This strategy aimed to infiltrate his nationalist movement, with the long-term goal of steering it toward socialism and eventually gaining power—an outcome they achieved in various countries, including Argentina with John William Cook and the Perons, and Brazil with Getúlio Vargas.
Leon Trotsky
In 1936, a significant and complex issue arose that led to a temporary break between Stalin and Juan Sheinbaum. This conflict, which involved figures like Diego Rivera, Frida Kahlo, and former communist figure Leon Trotsky. Trotsky is said to have referred to Carlos as a promising future communist. Juan Sheinbaum, contrary to Stalin's wishes, allegedly provided financial support for Trotsky’s refuge.
The Sheinbaums financed, at least partially if not totally, Trotsky's exile and protection in Mexico until his assassination by a Russian agent, an event that became one of the most scandalous political murders of the century, yet remains largely overlooked.
After being sentenced to death in absentia during the first Moscow show trial in 1936, Trotsky was assassinated in 1940 at his home in Mexico City by the Stalinist agent Ramón Mercader.
Erased from official Soviet history under Stalin, Trotsky remained one of the few rivals who was never politically rehabilitated by subsequent leaders. In the West, he became a symbol for the anti-Stalinist left, celebrated for his defense of a more democratic, internationalist form of socialism against Stalinist totalitarianism, as well as for his intellectual contributions to Marxism. Although some of his wartime actions are contentious, such as his ideological defense of the Red Terror and the suppression of the Kronstadt rebellion, Trotsky's leadership of the Red Army is highly regarded in historical scholarship. He is credited with significant involvement in the military, economic, cultural, and political development of the Soviet Union.
Trotsky is dead; back to communism
After nearly a decade of estrangement from the Communist world, Juan returned to the Mexican Communist Party, this time bringing his son Carlos, who had been raised on the stories of Soviet communist glory. By this point, Juan had relocated to Guadalajara, while Carlos had established himself in Mexico City, working against political figures like Ávila Camacho, Miguel Alemán, Ruiz Cortines, and López Mateos, continuing the family’s involvement in political movements.
At 19 years old, Carlos Sheinbaum was studying chemical engineering at the university. However, according to his classmates, he spent more time trying to provoke them into taking up arms than focusing on his studies.
CIA links
An interesting piece of information surfaced on ancestry.com, revealing a document dated March 26, 1955, showing that Carlos Sheinbaum was aboard a flight from Cuba to San Juan, Puerto Rico, on Pan American World Airways, flight #223/26.
What stands out is that the document lists Carlos as having American nationality, with a passport number not issued by Mexican authorities. This detail has been omitted from the official biographies of Mexico’s newly elected president, raising questions about aspects of her family’s background that remain unexplored.
There are other peculiar and suspicious details surrounding the Sheinbaum family’s history. For instance, in the book *Latin America in the Communist International*, it is noted that in 1957, Juan (Jonas) Sheinbaum was captured by Mexican authorities and taken to Chiapas, with the intent of handing him over to the Guatemalan dictatorship of Castillo Armas—who was reportedly financed by the CIA. However, Sheinbaum managed to escape and return to Chiapas, where he later contacted his lawyer to orchestrate his rescue.
Adding another layer of intrigue, official records from Ancestry.com show that during the same time, Carlos Sheinbaum Yoselevitz was married to Judith Nahman, an American woman and the daughter of Bill Nahman, a CIA agent.
This evidence suggests a potential link between the Sheinbaum family and American intelligence agencies, with Carlos possibly playing a direct or indirect role in fulfilling their interests. This connection could explain how Juan (Jonas) Sheinbaum was able to orchestrate his escape from Guatemala, raising further questions about the family’s deeper ties to global power structures.
The massacre of ‘68'; Tlatelolco
"2 de Octubre no se olvida" ("October 2nd is not forgotten") is a phrase that resonates deeply with Mexicans and many people in Latin America and beyond, commemorating the Tlatelolco Massacre of 1968. This tragic event occurred when Luis Echeverría, then the Mexican president, ordered the violent suppression and killing of unarmed university students in the Plaza de las Tres Culturas.
The Tlatelolco Massacre, which occurred on October 2, 1968, is one of the most tragic and significant events in modern Mexican history. It took place just days before the opening of the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City. Thousands of students and civilians had gathered at the Plaza de las Tres Culturas in Tlatelolco to protest against the authoritarian government of President Gustavo Díaz Ordaz, its military repression, and the use of resources for the Olympics while neglecting social issues.
The Mexican government, led by Díaz Ordaz, responded with violent repression. The military and police surrounded the protesters and opened fire, killing an unknown number of people. Estimates of the death toll vary widely, from several dozen to several hundred, with many more injured. The government's official account claimed that a few people were killed, but investigations and testimonies over the years have revealed the extent of the massacre.
The Tlatelolco Massacre remains a symbol of government repression and the struggle for democracy in Mexico. It has become an enduring point of collective memory, encapsulating the power of protest, the fragility of political freedoms, and the brutal lengths to which authoritarian governments will go to maintain control. "2 de Octubre no se olvida" (October 2nd is not forgotten) has since become a rallying cry for those advocating for justice and remembrance of the victims.
Claudia Sheinbaum has often referred to herself as a "daughter of 68," implying that her parents were participants in the student movement of that era. However, there is a more nuanced and possibly darker narrative surrounding their involvement. According to some accounts, her parents did not merely participate in the demonstrations but were active in organizing them, with the aim of destabilizing the government. Rather than being innocent protesters, they were reportedly working with paramilitary forces to create chaos and disrupt the established authority. This paints a more complex picture of their role in the Tlatelolco Massacre and other significant events of the time.
Furthermore, according to stories from his schoolmates, Claudia's father, who was a chemist, was better known at UNAM (National Autonomous University of Mexico) for his role in inciting his classmates to join protests and demonstrations than for his academic pursuits. His reputation as a troublemaker overshadowed any educational contributions.
In addition to their involvement in the Tlatelolco protests, Claudia's parents were also linked to other movements, such as supporting the Cuban Revolution, including figures like Che Guevara and Fidel Castro. Their activism extended to workers' protests and even the infamous Halconazo massacre, further establishing their participation in political causes that sought to challenge the established order in Mexico.
Raúl Álvarez Garín
Raúl Álvarez Garín Garin was indeed a controversial figure, with a history that goes beyond mere student activism. He was accused of being one of the primary instigators of the 1968 student massacre and was imprisoned for about three years. During his time in prison, he faced serious charges, including stockpiling weapons, attacking roads, damaging property, dispossession, homicide, incitement to rebellion, injuries to authority figures, sedition, criminal association, and theft. He was initially sentenced to 19 years in prison, along with a fine of 6,000 pesos or an additional 120 days behind bars.
However, as often happens in Mexico, the political landscape shifted in his favor. He spent only three years in prison before being released with what appeared to be a "guaranteed and sponsored future" from the communist world and his powerful allies. His release was seen as a reward for his contributions to the cause, which aligned with powerful interests.
While at the infamous Lecumberri prison, he received regular visits from the Sheinbaum family. At just seven years old, Claudia Sheinbaum was reportedly flagged by Mexico's Federal Security Directorate (DFS) as a "potential Communist Girl," suggesting the early political climate that influenced her upbringing and later political journey.
The DFS, an intelligence agency under the Ministry of the Interior, was established in 1947 during President Miguel Alemán Valdés's administration. Its primary role was to monitor subversive or terrorist activities within Mexico until its dissolution in 1985.
Álvarez Garín was a founding member of the Democratic Revolutionary Party and served as a federal deputy in the LV Legislature of the Congress of the Union of Mexico. In late 1993, he proposed an amendment to Article 8 of the Constitution, aimed at granting citizens free access to all official documents and records. He also launched his own magazine, *Punto Crítico*.
This figure is considered the political mentor of Mexico's current president, a fact she has openly acknowledged with a disgusting mix of pride and disdain.
Last one for the road; “El Halconazo”
It seemed that his parents had not yet satisfied their thirst for suppressing student insurgents, as the deaths and injuries that had already scarred the country in 1968 were deemed insufficient. They were still willing to sacrifice more lives.
According to CIA records, the American agency trained and supplied a group in Mexico known as "The Falcons" or "Halcones"—a band of mercenary thugs. This group was responsible for the violent crackdown known as "El Halconazo," when they stormed the streets of Mexico City in a coordinated assault on about 10,000 student demonstrators. The Halcones brutally dispersed the protest, resulting in dozens of student deaths and more than one hundred injuries, while the police stood by and turned a blind eye. The 1971 Corpus Christi Massacre, or Halconazo, was then-President Luis Echeverría Álvarez’s brutal response to the first large-scale student protest since the 1968 massacre at La Plaza de las Tres Culturas in Tlatelolco, Mexico City.
In the decades following the attack, survivors and the families of the victims have continued their search for justice, but their efforts have gone unanswered. Despite a five-year investigation by the Office of the Special Prosecutor for Social and Political Movements of the Past (FEMOSPP), which included a chapter on the Corpus Christi massacre in its official report on Mexico's Dirty War, the Mexican government has not secured a single conviction. The impunity that surrounded the 1971 attack has persisted over the years, exposing the state's ongoing failure to prosecute human rights violations even today.
As thousands of protesters marched from the National Polytechnic Institute (IPN) in Casco de Santo Tomás around 5:00 PM on Corpus Christi Thursday, plainclothes paramilitaries arrived by bus and private car. In a further escalation, the Halcones blocked access to the nearest subway station and infiltrated hospitals to apprehend victims.
A witness named Carmen Maria Argañaras reported seeing Carlos Sheinbaum making hand gestures with some of the “Falcons,” seemingly directing them on which students to kill first, just before the bloodshed began.
Let’s assume Carlos Sheinbaum wasn't a double agent working for the CIA, but at the very least, he was well-connected and had open collaboration with them.
There’s actually a book titled *El Halconazo,* written by Eduardo Barraza, a journalist with three decades of experience in multimedia. The book, recently published, offers a detailed account of this massacre.
Though it may sound like something straight out of a Hollywood novel, these are facts backed by credible sources and verified over the past 100 years. This isn’t a “fable” (though I do refer to these perpetrators as animals); it’s just another uncomfortable reality we, as human beings, tend to ignore.
Some of these stories have been detailed in *Latin America in the Communist International* by Lazar Jeifets, as well as by Victor Jeifets in a video presentation by Nicolás Moras, the director of the channel *Los Liberales* (the libertarians). They’ve also been covered in written pieces by etcetera.com.mx, ancestry.com, the book *El Halconazo,* the Mexican government, the American government, the CIA, and others, all of which have provided rich, highly detailed information in their respective media. In the end, I simply condensed it into a brief summary.
What’s the real difference between a country governed by these corrupt individuals in suits (or skirts, to be inclusive) and the families of Chapo Guzmán, El Mayo Zambada, La Familia Michoacana, Los Zetas, the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, El Mencho, or Amado Carrillo and his cartel from Ciudad Juárez? In the end, they’re all criminals. Some manipulate the constitution, others traffic drugs, but we all know that these two things are intertwined.
There probably wouldn’t be much of a difference. In fact, we might be in a better situation with them in power rather than the pigs who will continue to dominate in Mexico and everywhere else, forever and ever, amen.
References:
Some of these stories have been detailed in books such as *Latin America in the Communist International* by Lazar Jeifets and Victor Jeifets, *El Halconazo* by Eduardo Barraza, various video presentations by Nicolás Moras, the director of the *Los Liberales* channel. They have also been covered in articles written by etcetera.com.mx, ancestry.com, the Mexican government, the US government, the CIA and others, all of which have provided rich and very detailed information in their respective media. In the end, I simply condensed it into a brief summary.
